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 By MICHEAL PREDMORE, University of Northern Colorado

 Peace Corp Volunteer in Nueva Vizcaya 1983-1987


 This thesis is an analysis of how, and to what extent, the tribal peoples of Nueva Vizcaya became Filipinos, meaning active participants in national politics and the national economy, and also in a Philippine national identity, during the periods of Spanish and American colonization.

Nueva Vizcaya has generally been overlooked in the various regional histories of the Philippines. As a province, it is as important as is any region of the country because of the complex interaction between the many peoples who have lived there. This study will approach the history of the province from a social and economic standpoint. It will trace social and economic changes among the ethnic groups in the province in demonstrating how Nueva Vizcayans gradually came to be incorporated into a national economic system, how they came to regard themselves not only as Ifugaos, Ilongots, or members of other ethnic groups, but as Filipinos. Regional and social histories are important because without knowledge of each area of a country and its inhabitants there can be little understanding of the history of the country as a whole. By studying the province of Nueva Vizcaya, special insight can be gained into how Philippine frontier regions were settled, and into the role played by ethnic minorities in that process. With so many different ethnic groups living in the area, and with the intervention by two foreign powers, this province is a microcosm of how a diverse population came to be integrated more or less into a single national economy and identity. This thesis will focus on three periods in the history of Nueva Vizcaya: the pre-Spanish, the Spanish colonial, and American colonial periods. Concerning pre-Spanish times, the social-economic patterns of the area will be investigated, including the cultural background of the different indigenous peoples, their settlement patterns, and their trade contacts within and outside of the region. Focus during the Spanish period will be on the impact the Spanish had on the economy, religion, and settlement patterns of the different tribal groups in the area. Finally, for the American period we will focus primarily on how new roads and schools, and new salaried civil service jobs influenced Nueva Vizcayans. Each chapter of this thesis will seek to answer certain questions. Understanding the changes Nueva Vizcaya experienced begins with an understanding of the people before they came in contact with outside influences. The first chapter will examine social-economic patterns in the area before the Spanish arrival. What role did the geography and climate play in the history of the province? To what extent were the various ethnic groups culturally distinct? What was the basis of their economy? What traditional trading relationship existed between them? Chapter II will examine the Spanish impact on people in the regions. How was the regional economy changed? How did religious practices change? Did settlement patterns change? Which ethic groups changed the most and which the least? An examination of changes under the Spanish will demonstrate how people in the region began to respond to the pull of supra regional economic and political forces. In particular, it will analyze which groups were quickest to begin assimilating into an emerging national culture, and which were slowest to do so. Chapter III will concentrate on the American colonial period. What were the differences between American and Spanish rule? Did Nueva Vizcayans view American colonialism differently from Spanish rule? Were some people more willing to accept changes under the Americans than under the Spanish? To what extent did the province's economy and separate tribal cultures become immersed in a Philippine national economy and culture in this period? All of these questions will be addressed in various sections of the thesis. It is a complex situation, deciding when and to what extent the people entered into a national economy and when they began to view themselves as Filipino. Each people assimilate at different rates and to different degrees. William Henry Scott uses the term "parchment curtain, to signify the official documents of the Spanish colonial regime which prevent the modern Filipino from forming a clear picture of his ancestors' conditions."1" Through cracks in the parchment curtain the historian catches glimpses of the life led by Filipinos before and during colonial rule. This author has sought to catch such glimpses in his researching of Nueva Vizcayan history. Using Spanish, American, and Philippine sources, he has attempted to glimpse the life of the people who lived in the Nueva Vizcaya region under Spanish and American control. This author's experience as a Peace Corps Volunteer in Nueva Vizcaya, as well as the knowledge of his wife, Rita, an Ifugao, has also contributed to his understanding of many ethnic groups living in the province. These groups, in many cases, still live in the same areas where they traditionally lived. Finally, the author's travels in both Nueva Vizcaya and Ifugao have given him insight into the geography and climate of the region, and into how physical and climatic features may have affected life and travel in the Luzon highlands for many centuries. Researching Nueva Vizcaya without having the opportunity to return to the province has presented a challenge. Documents used in researching this thesis came from United States Congressional Records, the United States National Archives, the Censuses of the United States, and the Philippine Census. Information from Spanish documents came from the translations in Emma Blair and James Alexander Robertson's The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898'. These sources are available either in local university libraries or through interlibrary loan. In the United States National Archives, Record Group 350, Records of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, was especially valuable, as were Department of State Dispatches of the United States Consul in Manila. Books used in this project fall into two categories, those used to gather information specifically on Nueva Vizcaya, and those which provided comparable analyses of other regions. In the latter case, the author gave special attention to books by scholars who have been recognized as leaders in Philippine social and regional history. Of particular value were the following: Philippine Social History: Global Trade and Local Transformations', edited by Alfred W. McCoy and Edward C. de Jesus (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1982). This is a volume of articles by scholars from various areas in the social sciences, including anthropology, geography, and history. The book is divided into sections corresponding to the different areas of the Philippines, including Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao. The various authors examine regional social-economic history. With different areas of the Philippines represented, this book gives the reader an opportunity to compare how each developed and entered into the national economy. Within each region the people are different; they have different customs, languages, and cultural backgrounds. Contact with the outside world also occurred at different times and in different circumstances. The introduction is written by Alfred W. McCoy, who describes the trend among historians towards social history in the Philippines and its different regions, with scholars having moved away from political histories centered in Manila. However, McCoy points out that, although the regions are different and their histories individually significant, each region developed important political and economic ties to Manila at some point in the last three centuries. Each region's history has to be examined from the local level, but this must be done without ignoring the fact that all regions became parts of the greater Philippines and of Philippine national history sooner or later. The Discovery of the Igorots: Spanish Contacts with the Pagans of Northern Luzon', by William Henry Scott (Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1974), is an important work for anyone interested in the upland people of northern Luzon and their reaction to Spanish attempts to expand into their territory. Scott gives a good account of the early Spanish exploration and contact with the different ethnic groups that were classified as Igorots. Using a vast array of Spanish sources, Scott examines the early settlements and the relations between the Igorots and lowland Filipinos who had earlier accepted Spanish rule. As contacts increased between Igorots and the Spanish or their Filipino subjects, the Igorots became more willing to accept ideas from both the lowland Filipinos and the Spanish. This did not happen quickly; it was a gradual process. Relations between the upland and lowland Filipinos were shaky at best; they developed through mutual need, not because of any national feelings or common bond. The Pampangans: Colonial Society in a Philippine Province', by John A. Larkin (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), is one of the first histories focusing on a single province. This book looks at the province of Pampanga from the pre-Hispanic period through the 1920's. Although Larkin focuses on Pampanga, he does not look at an isolated Pampanga; he does not lose sight of the fact that the province is a part of the Philippines and is affected by events outside. The connections between Pampanga and national events are examined and evaluated, assessing the impact of one on the other. Larkin gives particular focus to the Pampangan elite and how great landed families emerged in the province to become the ilustrados' of a nascent Filipino national elite. As they became tied more and more closely into a cash-crop economy dominated by rice and sugar, and as they became members of an educated minority with homes not only in their home province but in Manila as well, these wealthy Filipinos gave voice to a Filipino national' identity in the last years of Spanish rule. The rise of a new national elite, as described by Larkin, is a useful point of focus for all provincial or regional studies because it provides an indicator of how and when separate regions began to unite as one nation. By comparison with Pampanga, for example, such an elite emerged in Nueva Vizcaya not in the Spanish period but in the American colonial period that followed. The following books were used for the information available on Nueva Vizcaya or its people. The Philippine Island World: A Physical, Cultural, and Regional Geography', by Frederick Wernstedt and Joseph Spencer (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), was especially valuable for information on Nueva Vizcaya as a setting. While the book does not specifically focus on Nueva Vizcaya, it covers the area in which the province is located. By picking through its section on northern Luzon, it was possible to get a fair description of Nueva Vizcaya. The Ifugao World', by Mariano Dumia (Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1979), begins with a geographical description of Ifugao and the origins of the Ifugao people. I mention this book because the author is an Ifugao writing about the Ifugao which gives the book interesting personal insights. Dumia makes a distinction between the Ifugao and the other ethnic groups that are called Igorot. The reader gets a general background of the province and its inhabitants. His work covers many social aspects of Ifugao life. These include family relationships, social classes, common law of justice, headhunting, the code of ethics in marital relationships, the system of property distribution, burial customs, and mythology and religious rites. The descriptions pertain mostly to historical Ifugao, not the more recent social customs. The White Apos: American Governors on the Cordillera' by Frank L. Jenista (Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1987), is a book on the American occupation and governing of the province of Ifugao. The White Apos' gives only a brief description of Ifugao before the arrival of the Americans. The vast majority of the book focuses on the interaction between the Americans and the Ifugao in the period from the Philippine-American War until Philippine Independence in 1946. Jenista notes that early American policy toward the Ifugao was based on military concerns, and he describes a number of military expeditions which first brought Americans and Ifugao into contact. The White Apos' then traces the changes in the province and the people under American rule. The areas discussed are the justice system, building of trails, education under the Americans, and the missionary work that was undertaken. Throughout the book Jenista explains how each area was affected by the white government officials. Overall, these "White Apos" had a great influence on the Ifugao. Felix Keesing's The Ethno-History of Northern Luzon' (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962), furnishes information on the various ethnic groups that live in the region that became Nueva Vizcaya as well as a history of the region. Keesing focuses mainly on the Spanish period, discussing the early exploration and mission movements as well as the response of the indigenous people. His book helps develop a sense of the people living in the region and the part they played in the development of the province. A book used extensively for an overview of each ethnic group of the region was Ethnic Groups of Insular Southeast Asia', by Frank Lebar (2 Vols., New Haven: Human Relations Area Files Press, 1975). He covers each group's culture, history, and geographic location. This work discusses the original culture of the various ethnic groups, and then analyzes how each group changed through contact with different people and cultures. It, too, was helpful in examining the cultures that exist and existed in Nueva Vizcaya. Finally, there is an exceptional book on one minority group that dwells in the mountainous region that includes Nueva Vizcaya. Renato Rosaldo's Ilongot Headhunting 1883-1974' (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1980), covers all aspects of Ilongot life and culture. Rosaldo describes the way the Ilongot live day to day, the areas in which they live, and how they have changed due to outside influences. Rosaldo's recent history of the Ilongot in Nueva Vizcaya is accurate enough that my wife recognized the places and some of the people in the book. This book is extremely useful for those interested in the Ilongot and gives an insight into the area that is today Kasibu, Nueva Vizcaya. These materials by no mean exhaust the information on the region under examination. They are only a few of those used in writing this thesis. Without the resources to visit the Philippines, or access to many of the depositories of documents on the Philippines, these materials assisted this writer in interpreting the documentary evidence available to him.


Chapter I-


 Nueva Vizcaya's rugged terrain has virtually isolated the province from central Luzon and the southern Philippines. It is essentially a river valley surrounded on three sides by mountains. These mountains, as well as the people who inhabit them, have served as a deterrent to travel and migration from outside the province. The most accessible route for immigration is from the north, down the river valley. People inhabiting Nueva Vizcaya, or who have migrated to the province, are as diverse as the geography. They come from several different ethnic groups, speak different languages and have different cultures. Ethnic diversity as well as the rugged terrain, has contributed to the slow settlement and unification of the province. Until recently, each ethnic group has held steadfast to their ancestral culture. They have not welcomed outside influence either from fellow Filipinos or from others. Before the arrival of the Spanish there was no province of Nueva Vizcaya, only the geographical area inhabited by indigenous people. The Spanish began establishing political boundaries as they expanded their influence; the more prominent their presence in the area the better defined the boundaries. In the sixteenth century Northern Luzon was divided into three provinces: Cagayan, Pangasinan, and Ilocos. The area of the upper Magat River valley, which is today part of Nueva Vizcaya, was unconquered and called Ituy.1" As the Spanish moved into this region they gave each area a more specific name. Names used in the region and the areas they represent are:*LS 1* "Paniquy (Paniqui). The middle Magat area around Bayombong; the name also was applied more widely to include the Ganano valley area. A small settlement called Paniqui still exists west of Bagabag. Yogad (Yogat, Yoga). The region around the Cagayan-Ganano river junction, home of the linguistic and ethnic group also called Yogad, and centered on the town of Echague. Ituy (Itui, Tuy, Tui, Ytui). The upper Magat area from Bambang to Aritao and Dupax. It was at times applied to the whole middle-upper Magat region. Diffun (Difun). The mountainous zone between the upper Cagayan and Magat rivers. There are still a dominant mountain and small settlement of that name. Sinay. Corresponding to the ethnic name "Isinai," this term was occasionally applied to the upper Magat area."2"*LS 2* The Spanish created the province of Nueva Vizcaya in 1840 to include everything south of 17o" latitude in the Cagayan Valley. At the time, it encompassed Ituy and Paniqui, two Spanish mission territories,3" and the municipalities of Mayaoyao, Banaue, Lagawe, and Kiangan.4" In 1856, Nueva Vizcaya was reduced in size with the creation of the province of Isabela in the central part of the Cagayan Valley.5" Nueva Vizcaya today can be divided topographically into two areas, the Upper Cagayan River Valley and the North Luzon Highlands.6" In its northern third, the Cagayan River rushes north out of the mountains to water northern Luzon. Southern Nueva Vizcaya consists of the three mountain ranges: the Cordillera Central, the Caraballo, and the Sierra Madre. These are the headwaters of the Magat River, which in turn runs north and feeds into the Cagayan. The Sierra Madre or Eastern Cordillera of Luzon is very rugged; its mountains reach heights of 6,000 feet and above. There are no roads through this mountain range which serves to isolate the area from the rest of the Philippines.7" Ruggedness, as well as the inhabitants of the Sierra Madre, limited Spanish and American expansion into that area. These mountains (and people) were also left alone because they offered no known economic benefits, unlike the lowlands or the gold mines in the central Cordillera. The Caraballo mountains close the upper end of the Cagayan Valley separating it from the Central Plains of Luzon. These mountains rise to an elevation of between 5,000 to 6,000 feet.8" They also serve to discourage travel between central Luzon and Nueva Vizcaya. Trails and roads did develop through these mountains but they were difficult to cross and many times would be destroyed by rain and mud slides during rainy season. Western Nueva Vizcaya is occupied by the Cordillera Central which has mountains reaching close to 10,000 feet in elevation. The Cordillera Central divides northern Luzon in half, east and west. As the range runs north it decreases in height, but in the south, where it is a boundary for Nueva Vizcaya, it is at its most rugged. These mountains have always been a hindrance to travel into the province of Nueva Vizcaya from the west.9" All three mountain ranges have served to keep Nueva Vizcaya, if not isolated, difficult to reach from the east, south, and west. As will be seen later in this work, there was contact and trade from the Central Plains, but it was sporadic and difficult. Mountains, climate and inhabitants of these mountains discouraged convenient travel into Nueva Vizcaya from all directions but the north. The Cagayan River is the major river in northern Luzon. Its second largest tributary is the Magat River,10" which runs through the province of Nueva Vizcaya. Headwaters of the Magat are in the Cordillera Central around the municipality of Kayapa. Neither the Cagayan nor the Magat are navigable. Bamboo rafts are used occasionally, but the rivers are too shallow and rough for regular use.11" Descriptions of the province have differed, depending on the time period and the people doing the writing. In 1899 Nueva Vizcaya was reported to have had "17,039 inhabitants, 8 towns, 12 barrios and numerous savage tribes," spread over 1,700 square miles. A civil governor ruled the province, assisted by a court of justice. The capital was Bayombong and the major towns were Bambang, Dupax, and Aritao.12" This description of Nueva Vizcaya under the Spanish was written just before the Americans took over, so it probably was the last survey under Spanish jurisdiction. Earlier records of the area are more vague. In 1591 an encomienda survey indicated:*LS 1* "Balissi, Moyot, and Camaguil (probably the area of the lower Magat): 550 tributes, or 2,200 souls, "in rebellion." Purrao Culit (not identified, but probably in Paniquy around the present Bayombong): 500 tributes, or 2,000 souls, "in rebellion." Taotao (possibly the Aritao area in the upper Magat): 500 tributes, or 2,000 souls, "in rebellion."13"*LS 2* Actual villages within the regions were named and described in 1591 within two valleys, the Dumagui(Magat) or Todos Santos and Dangla(Ganano). Within the Dumagui valley there were the settlements of: "Tuy: 60 houses; Bantal: 30 houses; Barat and Bugay or Bugney: 500 houses; Guilaylay: 40 houses; Anit: 70 houses; Sicat and Marangui: house numbers not recorded." Bugay would become Aritao, and Sicat may have been the old name for Dupax.14" The area was commonly known as Tuy or Ituy in the Spanish records, after the village of Tuy. Dangla was part of Paniquy and included the villages of "Dangla or Agulan: 80 houses; Yrao: 60 house; Palan or Japalan: 80 houses: Bayaban, Balayan, Chicanen, Yabios, Bugai, Bayocos, Banete, Lamut or Pamut, Palilamot, Bolo or Bolos, Balabad or Balabat, Nacalan, and Paita or Paitan: none with houses recorded." Bayaban possibly was Bayombong and Balabad was Bagabag.15" The number of people living in the area of Nueva Vizcaya under Spanish rule in 1591 must be taken as an estimate, although the number of houses listed in each settlement should be fairly accurate. Spanish presence in the valley may have been extensive, but they did not establish themselves in the upland other than outposts for soldiers and missions established by the religious orders, as in Kiangan. When the Spanish did establish a mission or outpost it was on the western side of the province in the Cordillera Central. They did not venture very far into the eastern side. Name changes that occurred as the Spanish established themselves in Nueva Vizcaya could have been caused by their misunderstanding the names of the local communities. The Spanish also named places themselves, ignoring the old names. Larger areas such as valleys or provinces probably did not have a common name used by the people living in the area before Spanish contact. The wide dispersal of people living in Nueva Vizcaya would suggest that there were no names shared between the different peoples for larger geographical areas, such as a common name for the province or the river valley. As the Spanish gained more control of the area of the upper Cagayan Valley, they established the names that would become permanent, at least until the American occupation. The first mention of Nueva Vizcaya by the Americans was in the Philippine Commission report of 1900, just after the United States gained control of the Philippines. According to the report, Nueva Vizcaya was located between the provinces of Lepanto, Bontoc, Quiangan, Isabela, Principe, Nueva Ecija, Pangasinan, and Benguet. This excludes most of Ifugao, except for Quiangan or Kiangan. The province was seventeen leagues from north to south and eight leagues from east to west. The mountains of Nueva Vizcaya were rugged but there was a fertile river valley, the Magat, that was "almost all under irrigation."16" Nueva Vizcaya covered 4,384 square kilometers, and had 19,379 registered people. There were, however, estimated to be many unregistered "pagans" in the mountains: no less than 12,000 Igorrotes, 13,000 Tinguanes, 4,000 or more Ilongot and 10,000 Isinayas.17" People who would have been considered civilized would have been fairly accurately counted, but numbers of "pagans" in the mountains would not have been known as precisely. There was little contact between the upland people and those in the low lands, other than the upland people coming down to trade. Other contact between the two groups was usually in the nature of raids and violent conflict. Major towns of the province included Bayombong, with 3,550 people; Diadi, with 2,114; Bagabag, with 1,600; Ibung, with 1,097; Solano, with 4,411; Bambang, with 3,000; Dupax, with 3,000; and Aritao with 1,000.18" The population of the towns would not include the people living in the mountains and who did not live in settled communities. They lived in small family groups scattered throughout an area, usually close to their farms and rice land. By 1918, the towns in Nueva Vizcaya included Aritao, 610 people; Bagabag, 3,730; Bambang, 2,564; the capital Bayombang, 5,627; Dupax, 3,669; Imugan, 1,705; Kayapa, 1,111; Santa Cruz, 2,300; and Solano, 7,118.19" In 1939, the municipalities were Aritao, 6,208 people; Bagabag, 10,702; Bambang, 8,545; the capital Bayombong, 12,146; Dupax, 6,767; Imugan, 2,043(became part of Kayapa); Kasibu, 1,591; Kayapa, 3,808; Pinappagan, 3,923(located where Maddela is today); Pinkian, 4,894; and Solano, 17,878.20" During the thirty-nine year period, some of the municipalities changed in Nueva Vizcaya. This was because of boundary changes and the changing of town names. Of the municipalities that stayed the same there was a definite pattern of expansion. Municipalities that increased the most in population- Bayombong, Bagabag, Solano- were in the lowlands near the Magat River and on the northern side of the province. Those municipalities that increased the least, Kayapa and Imugan, are in the uplands and at the southern end of the province. There were, and still are, a large number of ethnic groups living in the province of Nueva Vizcaya. People who originally lived in the area were the Gaddang, Yogad, Isinai, Ifugao, Ibaloi, and Ilongot.21" Some of the people, as much as the geography, contributed to the isolation of Nueva Vizcaya. Because of their ferocious nature they discouraged expansion into their domain. The Gaddang and the Yogad lived in the area of Paniquy, the Gaddang numbering about 20,000 and the Yogad more than 8,000. These two groups are closely related.22" The Gaddang have been divided into five dialect subgroups; Gaddang proper, Yogad, Maddukayang, Katalangan, and Iraya. There are differences but they have a basic culture in which they share, through legend, a common ancestor. Each village formed its own political unit, but there were political alliances with other villages. They are able to sustain a trading relationship and peace agreements between communities.23" Before 1900, the Gaddang lived in temporary houses built up on piles. Bamboo walls and thatched roofs were typical of those houses, with some being built in trees as treehouses. They lived near a stream for reliable water supply, and near their swidden(slash and burn fields) which were usually on the slopes of a valley. When the Gaddang would abandon their swidden for a new one they would also abandon their houses. Granaries were built similar to the houses but were separated from them. They had few furnishings and their valuables were beads and gongs.24" Swidden agriculture, hunting, fishing, and the trade of forest products formed the basis of their economy. With the arrival of the Spanish and Christianization, some of the Gaddang settled down and began to supplement their livelihood by growing cash crops such as maize and tobacco. Swidden rice was the chief crop and it was intercropped with legumes and cucurbits (melons, squashes). After the rice was harvested, sweet potatoes, millet, garlic, and gourds were planted. Other crops that were raised were bananas, sugarcane (used for wine), peppers, taro, and yams. Animals that were raised included pigs, water buffalo, dogs, cats, and chickens. They ate pigs and dogs about once a year, and the chicken more often. Water buffalo were not ordinarily eaten; they were rented to lowlanders.25" The Gaddang have not been extremely interested in their kinship relations. Theoretically, they have traced lineage back to their great-great-great-great grandparents on both sides and up to their fifth cousins. This has changed over the years and presently most are only aware to their first cousins.26" Possibly the tradition died out with the introduction of Christianity. Marriage was a way of extending kinship ties, and marriage to a second cousin was acceptable. There was an informal courtship, and traditionally there was child betrothal. Arrangements for the marriage were taken care of by a go-between who would settle the bride's price. A large feast would signify the marriage itself and then the couple would be given inheritance from each set of parents. After the wedding the couple would live with the wife's family so the husband could spend one year working for them as a bride service.27" Status within the Gaddang society was determined by bravery, knowledge of customary laws, ability to speak at public occasions, and possibly wealth. The epitome of this was mingal, the warrior-headhunter, headhunting being an important part of the Gaddang culture.28" The Ifugao inhabit the mountains in the western part of Nueva Vizcaya. That area was periodically included within the province under both the Spanish and the Americans. While today it is a separate province called Ifugao, the Ifugao played a part in the history of Nueva Vizcaya when they were included in the province. The word Ifugao has a number of different derivations, including; ipugao, "the people who live on the known earth";29" Ipugo, "from the hill"; and, according to Ifugao mythology, ipugo is also the rice grain given to them by their god Matungulan.30" These people are divided into subgroups with names taken from geographical locations. Sub groups of the Ifugao are Banaue (Banawi, Benauwe), Bunhian (Bungian), Mayoyao (Mayoyo, Mayaoyao, Mayawyaw), Halipan (Salipan, Silipan), Hapao (Sapao, Japao, Hapaw), and Kiangan (Quiangan).31" The Ifugao are known for their terracing of the mountainsides to plant their rice. Terrace walls are made of earth and rock, and some of the terraces extend more than 1000 feet up the mountainside. Irrigation for the terraces comes from dikes and sluices so the fields can be flooded or drained depending on the need.32" Terraces were made by hand using wooden shovels and levers.33" Ifugao built houses in small groups near their fields. Their houses were raised on four posts with a pyramidal roof. They had few furnishings other than a shelf for the heads of enemies taken during raids, and for the heads of animals butchered during ceremonies.34" The house could be used as a granary with bundles of rice hung from the rafter to be dried by the fire in the house or in a separate but similar building built as a granary. Each of the four posts had a wheel type piece of wood on it near the top to prevent rats and mice from gaining entry and eating the stored grain.35" Along with rice, sweet potatoes or camote continue to be a major crop; these are grown on hillside swiddens. Other crops grown are corn, taro, yams, cowpeas, lima beans, okra, legumes, sugarcane, and tobacco. Tree crops include coffee, jackfruit, grapefruit, rattan, citrus, areca, coconut, banana, guava, and cacao.36" Other supplements to the diet are food acquired through hunting, fishing, and gathering. Foods gained from hunting include deer, wild buffalo, pigs, civet cat, wild cat, python, iguana, cobra, and bats. Locust, crickets, and ants are also caught and eaten. Fish are caught in the rivers along with clams, minnows, eels, frogs, and snails. Domesticated animals, water buffalo, pigs, goats, and chickens are kept close to the house at night to protect them from predators.37" For the Ifugao the family was and is the most important institution; this includes extended family and kinship ties. Within the nuclear family the father had final say but the wife could voice her opinion in all decisions and this continues today. Children were raised to respect their parents and elders. Fathers trained their sons to hunt, use weapons, work in the fields, recite myths and learn the family genealogy. Girls learned to take care of the home, work in the field, and recite the numerous ballads that were a major part of the culture.38" Children learned their ancestry from an early age; they may have known their relatives to the tenth degree on both sides of the family. Knowing their genealogy was important to the Ifugao, for it would determine where they fit into the society and their status in various situations.39" Traditionally, no central government existed among the Ifugao. Each family would govern themselves since there was little feeling of unity outside of kinship ties. Conflicts that occurred outside the family would be settled through common law or the threat of blood feuds. The general rule was that might makes right. Blood feuds were common in Ifugao with the clan obligated to get revenge for any wrong done them. Since headhunting was a part of everyday life, there were blood feuds in progress almost constantly. A person could be economically poor in Ifugao society but still gain status and respect for his prowess in combat and for the number of heads he was able to take.40" Marriage between first cousins was and is forbidden; if there is a marriage between distant cousins a fine must be paid. Marriage arrangements were negotiated between the two families, and the man gave pigs or carabao for the engagement and the wedding. Prospective husbands would spend time at the home of the woman's family before the wedding, doing chores around the house. When the couple was to be married, they invited the guests and butchered the animals agreed upon, with the native priest divining from the liver, bile, and intestines of the animals if the gods were in favor of the union. If the sign was bad they butchered more animals to get new readings. "A couple could divorce ifthere were no children, or if the wife, but not the husband, was proven an adulterer.41" The Ibaloi settled in the mountains and the high mountain valleys of southwestern Nueva Vizcaya. They built houses near their fields and were therefore scattered throughout the area. Settlements consisted of only about twenty or so houses. Each house was built on posts and had a pyramidal roof similar to the Ifugao. There was only one room, with few furnishings and little ornamentation, but room in the rafters for storing rice.42" Rice was the most important Ibaloi crop; it was grown in the valleys or sometimes in rice terraces with walls of rock and mud. Sweet potatoes, taro, and cassava were also important sources of food as were beans and maize. Dogs, pigs, horses, cattle, and carabao were butchered for special occasions. Other dietary supplements were frogs, minnows, snails, locusts, and fruit.43" Ibaloi were herders as well as farmers. Wealthy Ibaloi raised horses, pigs, and carabao in large numbers. They would sell or trade the livestock to lowlanders for goods such as cloth, salt, tobacco, iron weapons and implements, pottery, dogs, and pigs. Gold dust and coffee were also traded with the people from the lowlands. Gold was either mined or panned from the rivers; traditionally they mined just enough for what they needed and did not store much excess.44" Marriage was forbidden for first cousins but did happen when wealthy families arranged the marriage so they could consolidate their holdings. Both families contributed to the engagement and marriage ceremonies. Property was received from both sides of the family, and kinship was also traced on both sides.45" Settlements were ruled by councils of the old wise men and the wealthy and powerful men who settled all internal conflicts. Headhunting existed but it began to die out just after the coming of the Spanish. Ibaloi culture did not have the strong sense of revenge that Ifugao culture had. They also came into closer contact with the Spanish.46" Among the most ferocious groups of people in Nueva Vizcaya were the Ilongot. They populated the mountains in the province's southeastern sector. They were swidden farmers and did not adopt the wet-rice farming as other groups did. These people resisted all outside influences, from the Spanish to the Americans. They played a major role in keeping the Spanish in the lowlands and to the western part of the province because of their fierceness. During the American occupation the census takers said that three-fourths of the people of Nueva Vizcaya were "unsubjugated and wild," referring to the Ilongot.47" The Ilongot lived in small settlements with the houses within calling distance of one another. Settlements ranged from "4 to 9 households, 5 to 15 nuclear families, and 40 to 70 people."48" Houses were raised off the ground 6-15 feet and had a pyramidal roof. In the house there was a raised area in the middle so that fires could be built. As swidden farmers, the Ilongot used a field for up to ten years and then moved on. They planted rice, root crops, vegetables, manioc, and maize. When a field was abandoned for agriculture, it was planted with sweet potatoes, bananas, or sugarcane. Their diet was supplemented by hunting, gathering, and fishing. They hunted deer, wild pigs, and birds. The Ilongot traded dried meat, captured deer, pigs, and chickens to the lowlanders for liquor, cloth, salt, and knives.49" A division of labor based on sex existed in this culture. Responsibilities of the men were hunting, fishing and clearing timber. Women worked the area cleared by the men.50" Kinship was determined bilaterally but the closest association was the be:rtan.*LS 1* "In one sense, a be:rtan is not a clan, corporate body, or discrete group of any kind, but rather an affirmation of allegiance given in a particular context or situation. In another sense, the Ilongot are at present divided into 13 mutually exclusive, relatively endogamous, local dialect groups, bearing be:rtan names. The be:rtan in this sense of the local group comprised of several settlements is the maximal unit for revenge raids in response to past beheadings."51"*LS 2* Marriage was mutually agreed on, and marriage to second cousins was preferred. There was a bride price that had to be paid. Once married the couple would move in to the wife's settlement; they could move back to the husband's settlement after the bride price had been paid. Within the settlement all males were considered equal with the one with the best oratorical skills being the most respected. Headhunting was prominent in Ilongot society; all men should take a head, and they needed to have taken a head before they were married.52" Two other ethnic groups played a significant role in the history of Nueva Vizcaya, the Isinai and Ilokano. The Isinai were indigenous to the province and the Ilokano migrated into Nueva Vizcaya in large numbers. Because they were some of the first people converted to Christianity in Nueva Vizcaya, little is known about the pre-Christian Isinai culture. They inhabited the early towns of Aritao, Dupax, and Bambang.53" Migrating from the Ilocos region of northwestern Luzon, the Ilokanos, on the other hand, followed the coast east to the Cagayan Valley and then moved south, eventually moving into Nueva Vizcaya.54" These peoples both fall into the category of Christian Filipinos since they were influenced by the Spanish early in their colonization. Christian Filipinos adapted much more quickly to the influence of the Spanish and the Americans. They adopted the Roman Catholic religion and entered into the national and international economies. Due to the integration of cultures and a national image, their cultural background is obscured. These people were some of the first to accept a national as opposed to local identity. A diversity of ethnic groups and the rugged terrain that makes up the area that is now the Province of Nueva Vizcaya have helped to keep it a rather isolated province, despite the fact that it is near the central plain and the political center of the Philippines. Expansion into the province was limited by the terrain which discouraged the construction of adequate roads. Roads that were eventually built were subject to the intense weather of the area and were extremely difficult to maintain. The people of the area were fierce and independent; most were at one time or another headhunters. These factors contributed to the slow development of the province and the slow assimilation of its peoples into a national weltanshauung. This relative isolation has shaped the province through its history up until the present.



The Spanish expansion into Nueva Vizcaya was gradual, with the early exploratory expeditions meeting resistance from the indigenous people and the ruggedness of the terrain also keeping their progress at a slow pace. Spanish objectives were to find an eastern route into the Cordillera Central, to the Igorot gold mines, and to spread Christianity. Shortly after their arrival in the Philippines, the Spanish heard rumors of the rich gold mines in the Cordillera mountains. They began to make incursions into the area, trying to determine the locations of the mines with the idea that they would take control and exploit them to their own ends. These expeditions began in 1571 with a foray up the west coast of the Philippines, searching for the source of the Igorot gold.1" Two other expeditions were attempted in 1576 and 1580, neither being successful. The resistance met by the Spanish was stiff enough that they began investigating other routes into the Cordillera Central. One of the new routes was over the Caraballo Sur mountains into the upper Cagayan Valley near Kayapa, in what is today Nueva Vizcaya. There had been reports that this area was quite wealthy as well. The area was called Tuy or Ituy by the Spanish, and covered what is now Aritao, Dupax, and Bayombong.2" The early expeditions to Tuy did not even reach the area. Guido de Lavacares, during his term as Governor of the Philippines, August 20, 1572-August 25, 1575,3" sent an expedition led by Captain Chacon north towards Tuy. Chacon returned after going only a short distance, forty leagues, saying he had no guide to go further and giving no account of his experiences.4" Whether the going was too difficult without a guide or he was afraid to push any further, or both, is hard to say. It is reasonable that he did hear stories of the fierceness of the people inhabiting the Caraballo Mountains and those from the valley beyond, and did not want to confront them. The next expedition was sent by the Governor, Doctor Santiago de Vera, during his governorship, May 16, 1584-May, 1590.5" He sent an "Indian chief", Don Dionisio Capolo, who went sixty leagues north and stopped when he met with friends who advised him not to continue because the people inhabiting the area he was to explore "were numerous and warlike, and were hostile and would kill him."6" With no orders to fight and with only a hundred men accompanying him, he decided to turn back. The reputation of the indigenous people of Tuy was sufficiently frightening to discourage this expedition. This set the stage for a larger, better armed expedition led by Spaniards. In 1591, the first expedition that would make it into the Cagayan Valley from the south began. It was led by Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas, son of Governor Gomez Perez Dasmarinas. Governor Dasmarinas decided to send the expedition after talking with an Augustinian missionary. He was told that there was an area north of Zambales and south of Cagayan that had not been explored. This area was reputed to be productive, temperate, fertile, and inhabited by "hostile and very valiant Indians." It was also the area that was giving material support to the people of the lower Cagayan against Spanish advancement. An earlier attempt to penetrate this area from the north had failed and seven of the Spaniards had been captured by the native people.7" Don Luis Dasmarinas was accompanied by three officers, seventy soldiers he had brought from Spain, "some other soldiers who had been in the country, and two Augustinian missionaries.8" Also joining him were several "Indian chiefs" from La Pampanga, the area encompassing Pampanga and Pangasinan, and more than 1,400 of their men.9" It was typical of the Spanish to use one ethnic group against another. It was also a chance for the Pampangans to join with a strong ally and increase their power and prestige. On the fifteenth of July, 1591, Don Luis claimed Nueva Vizcaya in the name of King Philip II of Spain. The following day he met with the inhabitants of the village of Tuy and explained that the Spanish had come in friendship, that the residents were to pay homage to the king so they could be protected by the Spanish, and that they would receive religious instruction. Small gifts of cloth, garments, beads, and combs were given by the Spanish, and an oath of peace and allegiance was taken by the people of Tuy who each threw an egg on the ground saying that if they broke their oath they would be broken as the egg had been.10" Chiefs from the nearby villages, Bantal, Bugay, and Burat, were sent for so that they might also pledge their loyalty to the Spanish king. These chiefs took the same ceremonial oath as before. After the ceremony Don Luis asked them to bring their wives to the village so he could see them. The chiefs, not trusting the Spanish, refused, giving the excuse that this was their wives' chance to get away from their daily chores and that they needed to relax and enjoy themselves.11" Various chiefs of Tuy seemed willing enough to make a pact of peace with the Spanish, but they did not necessarily trust them, as was shown when they refused to summon their wives. Not having any record from the Filipino side of the exchange makes it difficult to imagine what they were thinking. They may have acknowledged Spanish authority in hopes of future trade benefits. But in any case, given the strengths of the Spanish force, they had little choice. This was evident when a chief named Tuy arrived and persuaded the other chiefs to start hostilities against the Spanish. The people massed in the mountains in a defensive position which the Spanish described as a fort. Don Luis ordered an attack on the fort and he set fire to the village of Tuy.12" Tuy, the principal chief, had sufficient control over the others to cause them to abandon their recent oath of loyalty to Spain. Since the province was named after Tuy, it is probable that the Spanish had some contact with him or at least knowledge of him before they crossed the mountains. It is also possible that Tuy had knowledge of the Spanish, either through trade or rumors, and that he understood exactly what the other chiefs were promising. He was able to reassert his authority over the chiefs at least temporarily in a power struggle with the new authority figures, the Spanish. Spanish explorers had been under orders to be as peaceful and conciliatory as possible, taking into consideration the safety of both the Spanish on the expedition and those people they encountered. Instructions for the expedition were written by the Governor in explicit terms. Any people they encountered were to pay only what tribute they chose until they began to receive some benefit from the Spanish government and missionaries. Spanish soldiers of the expedition were not to seize anything of value such as gold, and if the people should abandon a village, the soldiers were to find the owners of any objects left and return these. Members of the expedition were to act like gold was not important to them. Any protests by the inhabitants should be taken to the missionaries who would represent them in a hearing, and the members of the expedition were not "to violate any woman, or to offer to either mother or daughter any uncivil or rough treatment." They were to show "great love and moderation, so that the natives will admit our trade and friendship..."13" Nevertheless the Spanish in point of fact were neither peaceful nor conciliatory with people who resisted their influence. The people of Tuy demonstrated their wish to continue governing themselves without Spanish intervention, although they initially sought to keep relations peaceful because of the Spanish military strength. Meanwhile, the Spanish may have unknowingly caused the first step towards a unified feeling between the people of the region. As Don Luis continued down the valley he passed three villages that had been abandoned, the people moved north into the regions of Danglay and Guamangui. Informants from the area reported that until this time there had been no close ties and in some cases hostility between these people. But because the Spanish were a threat to all the people, this caused cooperation among the different tribal groups.14" After their defeat, the chiefs of the villages of Sicat, Barat, Tuy, Bugat, and Bantal, namely those who had been involved in the confrontation, came to see Don Luis and ask his forgiveness. Superior military force shown by the Spanish convinced them that they were no match for the Spanish forces. They took another oath using a candle; they said that if they did not keep their oath they would be consumed as the candle was, and when they extinguished the candles they said they would be extinguished the same way if they broke their oath. After this they paid a tribute of gold and rice; then all was forgiven.15" The next region the expedition entered was Dangla which is now the area encompassing Bambang, Bayombong, Solano and Bagabag. Don Luis met with the head of the area and he took an oath of loyalty. Spanish forces stayed in this area for a week while other village chiefs also came and took the oath of loyalty. When the Spanish ran out of food, which they had procured without paying, they marched to other villages which paid the homage and promised tribute, "and by way of acknowledgement, they pardoned the damage committed by Don Luis in one of the hamlets. When they offered to ransom some women and children who were in the camp, Don Luis returned the hostages freely, so they might understand that the Spaniards did not care to harm them."16" Rather than return the way they came, Don Luis then led his men north to the Spanish settlement in Cagayan. Although it is not in the document, it is obvious that Don Luis used kidnapping to try and coerce the people who did not want to submit to him. It seems, at first, that this expedition was sent on a peaceful mission, but in reality it was to gain control of the province of Tuy and the people and resources within that area. The Spanish forced the people, against their will, to submit to their rule. They tried to change their religious beliefs. And they depleted their food supply by demanding food. But they failed in fact to conquer the area at this time. Because they did not dare to stay, they had little long-term impact. The lasting effects on the area were minimal; only a temporary withdrawal before a superior military force and the loss of food. In August of 1591 Governor Dasmarinas sent Don Francisco de Mendoca, with an expedition, after his son. With his arrival in the Magat valley, he was met initially with friendliness and cooperation because the people were not yet ready for another armed confrontation. But as Don Francisco moved down the valley he was met by increasing hostility. One village with a cross in it also had warriors with spears and shields ready to repel him. Even if they had accepted Christianity, they were not ready to accept, without a fight, the rule of the Spanish. The chief of the village did offer to guide the expedition further down the valley, probably to make sure the Spanish did not cause problems for his own people.17" At the village of Buguey, near Aritao, they were again met by armed warriors. Don Francisco asked for rice, offering to pay money, and was refused, so he took two of the chiefs captive. These captives in turn offered to guide the expedition to where Don Luis had stayed. Again, they were probably trying to get the Spanish force out of their territory so they would not have to deal with them. In Dangla events were repeated; the Spanish asked to buy rice and they were refused. They again captured a chief who said that if he were freed he would bring them rice. Instead, he alerted the villages which fortified themselves against the Spanish. The Spanish moved on and found the villages either fortified against them or vacated by the inhabitants.18" Gathering news that Don Luis Dasmarinas had continued north, Don Francisco followed his trail into Cagayan. The interaction between the Spanish and the people of Tuy thus began on a negative note and then continued to deteriorate. In Tuy, the people were not ready to submit to Spanish rule and the Spanish were set on governing the province and converting the people to Christianity. This impasse would have to be settled with one side or the other giving up their position. The next expedition was led by Pedro Sid in November of 1591. This expedition did not encounter any armed resistance, perhaps because they told the people that Spain did not wish to collect tribute at that time. As Pedro Sid moved through the province he made contact with many villages but only exacted promises of peace and loyalty to Spain. This would have made the people more receptive toward his visit. Also he did not appear to use any force in dealing with the inhabitants of the area.19" In 1594, an expedition under the command of Captain Toribio de Miranda made its way to Tuy with eighty Spanish soldiers, four Franciscan priests, and native bearers. They traded gifts with the people of the first villages they came to. The chiefs who did not comply with their wishes were taken hostage until either their wishes for food and assistance were met or the chiefs gave their children to remain as hostages in their place. As they advanced, the Spanish were able to acquire food from villages that had been abandoned, and by intimidating other villages with their military strength.20" On November 28, 1594 armed conflict began between the two sides. The Spanish were ambushed but were able to chase off the attackers with their firearms. After the ambush, the Spanish retreated to a fort called Fort Jose which they had built. Reports received by Captain Miranda of the people in the province uniting against them. Following up these reports, Captain Miranda tried to explore the mountains to the west, looking for Ygolote gold, but he was driven back by the mountain people. It was finally decided that the expedition should return to Manila since the soldiers were sick and had no supplies.21" By 1607, despite their initial refusal to accept Spanish rule, certain chiefs from Tuy were willing to submit to the Spanish and in turn receive protection and religious instruction. Submission would give them an opportunity to trade with the Spanish. Two such chiefs visited Manila and stayed in the house of Don Dionisio Capolo.22" The chiefs appeared before the Spanish governing council or Audiencia, but they were not taken seriously. Nevertheless, on their return to Tuy, the two persuaded seventeen more chiefs to accompany them to Manila. Again, because of a lack of understanding of their importance, no great attention was given to the chiefs of Tuy.23" The chiefs who came to Manila did so to benefit themselves, not just to submit to the Spanish. They had been able to delay or deflect Spanish incursion into their territory and were not forced into submission. One possible reason for their voluntary submission could be, as they stated, to gain Spanish protection against competing tribes and also against lowlanders. There was fighting between the different ethnic groups in Tuy, and there were also attempts by the people from the central plains to expand their influence into the Cagayan valley. Being militarily strong, the Spanish could help the people who would accept their rule. There were also certain advantages to living under the Spanish during this time, including the availability of trade and power through outside influence. Gradually the Spanish began to consolidate the people who pledged loyalty to them. Of particular importance were settlements established along the Magat river. The missionary influence would soon have a major impact on the development of these settlements. Several different missionary societies began to try and expand into Tuy, but as a whole they were unsuccessful. The Franciscans had established a ministry and convent in Baler and claimed the upper Cagayan Valley as their territory in 1609. They did not have much success because of "death and sickness" within their ranks.24" In 1625, the Dominicans were given the right to take over the Baler mission. Two priests were sent to the area to explore and begin to inform the people of their opportunity to learn the new religion. When they left, no one was sent back until 1632. In that year the Dominicans opened what they intended to be a permanent mission. They were able to baptize many children, but without translated religious materials it was hard to educate the adults enough to baptize many. Four mission communities were established at San Miguel near Dupax in 1633, Dongla in the same area in 1637, Tuhay in 1637, and Baxabax (either Bagabag or Bayombong) in 1637.25" Missionaries encouraged converts to leave the mountains and move down to the settlements near the river and main trail. The four settlements listed above were the first Christian communities of the area and were intended to separate the Christian people from the pagans who remained in the mountains. Increasingly over the next decades these people of the river valley settlements would accept the Spanish influence and become more and more divorced from their former compatriots in the uplands who would remain true to their ancient culture and beliefs. The Dominican mission ended in the late 1640's and was not revived until around 1676. But the 1676 mission lasted only two years because the priest and the soldier accompanying him were constantly getting sick, and because several other Spaniards died at that time from the "poor climate and poor food."26" In 1702, when the Augustinians took over Tuy as their mission area, they established a special mission for the upland people. Fray Alejandro Cacho was one of the missionaries who worked to stop the "stubbornness, violence, and cruelty" of those people. Two missions were established in the mountains of southern Nueva Vizcaya at Pantabangan and Carranglan. Between 1715 and 1738, Fray Amtonio Mozo founded "four new villages". All the people were reported to have been "tamed, baptized, and established in a well civilized mode of life."27" As the number of people baptized in Nueva Vizcaya increased, so did the influence of the Spanish. Progress made by the Augustinians was continued by the Dominicans when they regained the province in 1740. A road was completed in 1739 thanks to the combined cooperation of the government, Dominicans, Augustinians, and some of the inhabitants of Nueva Vizcaya who provided the labor. The road ran from Pangasinan into Nueva Vizcaya from the southwest. Planning of the road fell to a Dominican, Fray Manuel del Rio. In his reports he spoke of opposition by the Igorots to the construction of the road. On completion, the road ran from Asingan, Pangasinan, to Bujay, near Aritao. Traveling over this route took two days. At regular intervals roadhouses were constructed to accommodate travelers on their journey. A missionary was stationed near what became Kayapa to serve the Igorots who had converted.28" Acceptance of Spanish rule and Christianity was still not widespread. There was a constant struggle between the missionaries and the people over religion and the missionaries' role in the province, with people accepting Christianity and then returning to their original beliefs. Most would follow both their old ways and the new, depending on the circumstances.29" Spanish influence began to become more visible by 1743 with the completion of six churches in the villages of Cauayan, Appiat, Bagabag, Lappau, Daruyag, and Carig, and with the acquisition (from the Augustinians) of a church in Bayombong. Gradually the people of Nueva Vizcaya began to accept the presence of the Spanish missionaries, although many still did not convert. Some of the people began working for the Spanish, building roads and solid wooden churches, for which they were paid in cash. If they came to live in the settlements the priests would help them get established by furnishing a plow to all who needed one.30" People in the river valley settlements of Aritao, Dupax, and Bambang, mostly Isinai, were still harassed by the Ilongot and Ibaloi in the surrounding mountains. An appeal went out from the Dominicans to the government for military assistance. Without such assistance the missionaries believed they would lose their foothold in Nueva Vizcaya. In 1745, an "armed body of men" was sent from Pangasinan, but they had no effect. By 1748, 282 men were sent from Cagayan and were able to defeat the most aggressive mountain people and destroy their villages. Following this action the missions increased the number of converts from the various peoples in Nueva Vizcaya.31" The Isinai more readily converted because they were the most vulnerable of the various ethnic groups in Nueva Vizcaya, living in the river valleys with no place to which they could comfortably retreat. Spanish control over Nueva Vizcaya was undisputed until a revolt of the mountain people in 1868. In this rebellion the mountain people, probably the Ibaloi, Ifugao and Ilongot, participated in a larger revolt led by people from Lepanto, Bontoc, and Isabela. Military action was used to subdue the revolt and the Spanish were able to increase their sphere of influence further into the mountainous regions. In 1881 a Royal Decree was issued to try and get the people in the mountains to live in towns in the river valleys. For the next ten years continual attempts were made to enforce this decree, but to no avail.32" The limited success of the Spaniards in moving mountain people into the river valleys and in establishing towns was due in part to their treatment of the people once they were consolidated in a central location. As the Spanish gathered people into towns, they were able to make greater demands upon them. Among the negative results of relocation were increased demands for food and labor, the molesting of women by the Spanish and lowland troops that accompanied them, as well as exploitation by lowland traders. Towns in the river valleys sometimes became death traps for the mountain people because of malaria. Malaria so devastated the people that many retreated back to the mountains in order to survive.33" Revolution against the Spanish and the advance of revolutionary forces into the Nueva Vizcaya in 1897 ended Spanish control of the province. Little changed for the people of Vizcaya when the revolutionaries from central Luzon were given command of the province. The new government was not strong enough to control the area except for the river valley communities of Bayombong, Solano, Bambang, Aritao, and Dupax. Even in these communities cooperation from the Nueva Vizcayans was minimal since the outsiders were, in some respects, as alien as the Spanish.34" In summary, the Spaniards' first moves into Nueva Vizcaya were expeditions led by the military. In 1590 a first attempt to bring the people of the province under their influence had little long-term effect. In 1600 they attempted another expedition but the results were much the same. Missionary orders next attempted to establish themselves in the region. Both the Dominicans and the Augustinians had some success in converting a small segment of the population. Dominican missionaries first established the missions. They were replaced by the Augustinians and then reestablished themselves in 1740. Under missionary influence the converts, especially Isinai, resettled in towns along the Magat River, built on the model of the lowland Filipino plaza complex. Despite the accomplishments of the religious orders, the Spanish did not succeed in "reducing" the majority of the population of Nueva Vizcaya. Only converts moved into the towns and accepted the Spanish concept of religion, society, and economy. A majority of the people remained true to their traditional beliefs and lived the same life as had their ancestors.



 Nueva Vizcaya did not play a major role in the Revolution against Spain, but during the Philippine- American War the province became the center of attention for both Emilio Aguinaldo, President of the Philippine Republic, and for American troops. Aguinaldo attempted to make Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya, his new capital, while American military strategy concentrated on cutting him off before he could retreat behind the mountains. A move into Nueva Vizcaya would have given the Filipino troops a strong position for holding the advancing Americans at bay. Both terrain and climate were advantageous to the defenders if they could establish themselves in defensive positions. However, since the Filipinos retreated north so quickly, they did not have an opportunity to establish the strong defensive position they would need, and the rapidly advancing Americans concentrated their efforts on refusing to allow Aguinaldo's forces entry into Nueva Vizcaya. People within the province resisted the control of both the Spanish and the Philippine Republic. As was discussed earlier, people in Nueva Vizcaya were extremely independent and not easily won over by outsiders. Vizcayans viewed leaders in both the Revolution and the Philippine-American War as outsiders since most came from the Tagalog region. Early in November of 1899 Emilio Aguinaldo and his forces retreated north through the central plains of Luzon with the U.S. military in hot pursuit. As they moved north towards the Cordillera and Caraballo Sur mountains, the Americans attempted to ascertain Aguinaldo's ultimate objective so they could cut off his line of retreat. On November 2, reports obtained from deserters stated that Aguinaldo was headed for Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya, which he believed was "impossible for the Americans to take."1" Other factors that led the American command to believe he would retreat to Nueva Vizcaya came from reports by their own scouts, captured telegrams, and the interviewing of prisoners. They also had reports of Aguinaldo's forces moving towards San Nicolas, Pangasinan and of a road that could sustain wagon travel on to Aritao.2" In fact, accessibility to Aritao by wagon could be accomplished, but it would not be an easy trip. This soon became apparent to the Americans as well as Filipinos. On November 3, the Americans captured Major General Bernard Lopez, a Spaniard who claimed to have escaped from the Filipino army. Major General Lopez reported "that Aguinaldo is moving everything to Bayombong."3" Telegrams, sent November 6 and 7, and intercepted by the Americans, indicated that Bayombong would be the ultimate destination of Aguinaldo and his forces. The first telegram instructed the garrison at Carranglan to stop the construction of a telegraph line from Carranglan to San Quintin and to lay one from Bambang, Nueva Vizcaya to Tayug, Pangasinan. A second telegram instructed the governor-general of Nueva Vizcaya to send troops from Nueva Vizcaya and Isabela to repair the road to Kayapa.4" With the road repaired, Aguinaldo could transport his goods to Bayombong. Aguinaldo's intention to proceed to Bayombong became even more obvious to the Americans when the Fourth Cavalry, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel E.M. Hayes, captured Major Colminar, the Philippine President's private secretary, on November 11, 1899. Also captured were 172 bolo men, property of the Filipino army and government, and orders from Aguinaldo to General Fernando Canon y Alumno, Commander of Nueva Vizcaya.5" Even when Aguinaldo seemed to turn away from Vizcaya and march up the west coast of Luzon, the Americans still believed he was trying to get to Bayombong. A report from a Spaniard living in La Union informed them that the Filipino leader had gone as far north as Bauang, La Union and then had taken the trail leading to Trinidad in Benguet. The source reported that Aguinaldo had carts of goods and 200 men, that women still accompanied them, and that they were going to Bayombong.6" Aguinaldo finally decided against going to Bayombong around the 23rd of November. He sent a message, again intercepted by the Americans, that if he could not get to Bayombong he would turn north into Benguet.7" By proceeding to La Trinidad, Benguet, he still would have been able to get to Bayombong over the mountains.8" If the American forces had not occupied Nueva Vizcaya the province would have been accessible to Aguinaldo from either Benguet or later from Mountain Province. American troops pushed into Nueva Vizcaya from two directions, over Balete Pass through Carranglan and from San Nicolas, Pangasinan through Kayapa. Initially, the Americans thought that Aguinaldo could reach Vizcaya with his baggage train only through Carranglan.9" Through later information they became aware of the road through Kayapa. Major-General Ewell Otis, Department Commander, sent word to Major-General Henry W. Lawton, on November 2, 1899, to stop Aguinaldo's advance north at San Jose, or at the furthest Carranglan, which would cut the Filipino troops off from Nueva Vizcaya.10" By November 4, General Otis had learned from an American, Donelson Sims, who had lived many years in Benguet, that a wagon road existed from San Rosario, Pangasinan, to Nueva Vizcaya. The road led from San Rosario past San Nicolas, Pangasinan through Kayapa and met the road to Bayombong at Aritao. Sims informed General Samuel B. M. Young of the road, suggesting that it might be the route Aguinaldo would choose to enter the province.11" Patrols from Carranglan encountered some Filipino troops but did not push into the province. Then on November 21 and 22, orders came from General Lawton for a major push into Nueva Vizcaya.13 " The Americans encountered difficulties entering the province because of the rough mountains they passed over as well as the climate and poor health conditions in the province. Lt. J.C. Castner's account of the entry into the province from Kayapa was dominated by a description of the ordeal and the terrain rather than of actual opposition by Filipino forces.14" On November 22, Lt. Colonel E.M.Hayes sent second Lieutenant J.N. Munro, Fourth Cavalry, with fifty men and horses, and three Nueva Vizcayan scouts to scout the trail from Carranglan to Bayombong. Wagons could not make the trip so they used carabao as pack animals. After Munro passed Carranglan, Hayes withdrew all troops from Carranglan due to the poor health conditions and to the difficulty of supplying the outpost.15" Lieutenant Munro's move into the province constituted the first American presence. He and his men did not meet any significant resistance except at Santa Cruz, the highest point on the trail into Nueva Vizcaya.16" After a brief fire fight, casualties were one insurgent killed and no Americans killed or wounded. Munro followed the trail to Dupax and was within sight of Aritao on the 25th. Nueva Vizcayan scouts reported a few troops at Bambang but about 300 at Bayombong. Munro sent for reinforcements and decided to wait for help or until orders arrived to withdraw.17" An American prisoner released by General Canon, Commander of Nueva Vizcaya, arrived at Dupax on the 26th. He informed Lt. Munro that General Canon would surrender his troops and the province under the condition that his men could pass through American lines and return to their homes.18" Agreeing to this condition, Lt. Munro continued on to Bayombong with fifty men and three scouts, and on November 28 he received the surrender of General Canon and "800 insurgents armed with Mausers," as well as "70 Spanish and several American prisoners."19" On November 24, Lieutenant Castner began the entry into Nueva Vizcaya from San Nicolas, followed by the Twenty-fourth Infantry, and then the Twenty-second Infantry. Sixteen Tagalog and two American scouts attached to Castner were outfitted in "insurrecto" dress and ordered to stay one-half to one day ahead of the column to gather intelligence and relay it back to the main body.20" Accounts by these men are some of the most telling as to the difficulty in entering Nueva Vizcaya over this route at this time. The first day, November 24, Castner's force marched sixteen miles, six hours without water, losing two pack animals, seven horses and four saddles. Horses fell from the narrow trail, some 300 feet. No provisions arrived that night because the pack train could not keep up. Two prisoners were taken by the Tagalog scouts. Batchelor caught up with Castner the next day on account of the weakened condition of Castner's men. They made fourteen more miles and took two more prisoners near Kayapa. When they reached the trail's summit, Bachelor made camp and Castner proceeded three miles down the Nueva Vizcaya side. Another day of travel, sixteen miles, brought them within a day of the river valley near Bambang.21" Lt. Castner entered Bambang November 27, after marching another twenty-six miles. Advanced scouts captured three officers at Bambang, Major Jose Rizal, Captain Manuel Bautista, and Captain Ferdinand Hernandes. Castner also learned of the presence of another American officer who was negotiating the surrender of General Canon and the province. The next day he met Lt. Munro, who had negotiated the surrender of the province, and they both entered Bayombong to receive the surrender of "General Canon, his aids, one captain, one lieutenant, and about 26 privates." There were never 800 Filipino troops as earlier reported. Second Lieutenant Munro rather than First Lieutenant Castner actually accepted the surrender. According to Castner, "To prevent confusion I ordered him to receive the surrender of General Canon."22" Major John A. Baldwin received orders on November 25 to proceed to Bayombong and take command of the area. His force also had a difficult time crossing into Nueva Vizcaya because of the harsh conditions for which they were ill prepared. They should have had some idea of the difficulty, for Baldwin in his report said, 'The trail to Bayombong over the mountains is known to the natives as the "Infernal trail,' a title no one will dispute."23" Baldwin described the trail as well made but narrow, running through dense brush and tropical trees, over very high mountains with pine trees and other tropical trees. Switchbacks aided in ascending and descending, but grass covered the sides of the trail, making it dangerous to negotiate at night because of the sharp curves. In Baldwin's opinion the trail would not be practical for horses and pack animals, for in some places it was only two feet wide with drops of about 300 feet. They had to cross many rivers which he said would be impractical during the rainy season since they were strong enough at that time to knock a man off his feet. According to Baldwin, "Had my adjutant, Lieutenant Wolfe, not been a very strong swimmer, he certainly would have lost his life."24" The climate and the ruggedness of the trail took their toll on the men. Climatic conditions varied from extreme heat during the day to cold at night. Under the tropical sun their climb over the mountains, some as high as 5,000 feet, called for "all the physical strength a man possesses." Nights were "very cold", and the men had no blankets and wore only thin clothing. They kept warm by building large fires. Hiking over the rough trails caused the men's boots, which had begun to rot because of the rain and mud, to be totally destroyed. Many ended up marching barefoot. Sharp rocks and gravel cut their feet which got infected. The toll taken on the men was both physical and mental.25" Many trails ran through the mountains which made travel difficult without precise knowledge of the area. Baldwin started with two native guides but they abandoned him the first night out. Leaving Kayapa they "took a well defined trail to the left." This trail actually went to Benguet. They got back on the right trail after reaching an Igorot village and having one of the villagers guide them back over a deer trail. They finally reached Bayombong on December 2, 1899.26" Meanwhile Aguinaldo proceeded north into the Cordillera Central towards Mountain Province. A heroic rear-guard action led by Gregorio del Pilar at Tirad Pass allowed Aguinaldo to reach Bontoc ahead of the Americans. However, American troops closed fast on Bontoc forcing him to turn east to and march over the mountains into Ifugao. With American troops to the south in Nueva Vizcaya he continued east into the province of Isabela. On March 22, 1901, Aguinaldo was captured in Palanan, Isabela. Upon his arrival, Major Baldwin took command of Nueva Vizcaya. His troops met little resistance from the local people. According to Baldwin, the people did not show any loyalty towards the Filipino forces because of the divisions between the different ethnic groups. He went on to say that Tagalogs made up most of the Filipino forces and that they did not treat the people of Nueva Vizcaya well or allow them places of influence within the movement so that the local people did not support their cause.27" None of the Americans experienced resistance to their advance from the civilian population. The only engagement of arms in what is today Nueva Vizcaya occurred at Diadi, and involved the Americans and retreating rebel forces. As early as November 27, 1899, the Americans began to learn first hand that the people of Nueva Vizcaya would not stand against them. On that date a person from the province, described as intelligent and influential, made contact with the Americans and offered his services as well as those of forty men who accompanied him. He said the people of the province were "bitterly against the insurgents, and willing to assist the Americans." According to his report, General Canon had impressed many of the people in order to build entrenchments. His men had also foraged the countryside looking for supplies.28" With food being scarce and with Filipino troops scavenging within the province, it is not surprising that the fleeing "insurrectos" were themselves regarded as invaders within the province. The Americans also inspired fear among the local populace. For example, it would seem that Igorots in the area around Kayapa avoided the Americans by withdrawing deeper into the mountains. Lt. Castner reported only a few old men and women inhabiting the area. The rest of the population probably hid until the Americans passed, waiting to see their intentions.29" This custom existed among most of the people of the province, as seen in descriptions of early Spanish exploration. Conflict between the inhabitants of Nueva Vizcaya and ethnic groups from outside the province became apparent through the reports of Lt. Castner and Major Baldwin. For example, as Castner advanced from Bambang towards Bayombong he met Lt. Munro who agreed that "no indian troops should first enter the town, the natives fearing them."30" Then Major Baldwin reported that when he entered Bayombong on December 2, the people had been insurgents only through force of arms. He said that the local inhabitants had "a natural antipathy for the Tagalos, intensified from having been the victims of Tagalo robberies and brutal outrages, under officers of the insurgents, during the present rebellion."31" In addition, he reported, the people were friendly but "afraid of the armed insurgents."32" With General Canon's troops foraging throughout the province, it is not surprising that the inhabitants would have been afraid of them. Emilio Aguinaldo also became aware that the problem between the Tagalogs and other peoples could potentially weaken the independence movement. He ordered an end to all abuses by revolutionary officials and troops, "lest the pueblos should get tired and accept American autonomy." He "instructed the commissioners collecting the war tax to render detailed accounts of their operations and ordered that new elections be held in the province of Nueva Vizcaya to give local offices to Ilokanos rather than Tagalogs."33" The reception Captain Batchelor received as he advanced through Nueva Vizcaya might indicate some willingness by the Nueva Vizcayans to tolerate (if not really welcome) the Americans. He left Bayombong on December 2, with a band playing and the bells ringing in a big send off. His column marched the two miles to Solano where they received a greeting in the same way, and he was assured of the people's loyalty. An identical incident occurred when they arrived at Bagabag. It was only as they advanced on Diadi that they met resistance from the insurgents. After a brief skirmish with one American wounded, two Filipinos killed and two wounded, the presidente' of Diadi welcomed them as they advanced through the town. It seems that most of the people Batchelor met hoped the Americans would protect them not from the Tagalogs but from the mountain Igorot, probably the Ifugao. Batchelor stated, "The people all along my route can be made loyal subjects by giving them real protection. They are in constant fear of the mountain Igorrottes, who rob and kill them."34" This set a role that the Americans willingly played in the next stage of the history of the province. The American expansion into Nueva Vizcaya encountered rough conditions and a people more concerned with their own plight than the movement for an independent Philippines. Trials faced by the Americans entering the province from the south exemplified Nueva Vizcaya's isolation. This isolation in turn caused a lack of unity between the people of Nueva Vizcaya and those of the central plains. Filipino troops occupying the province forced the people to work for them without compensation and took whatever food they needed. A scarcity of food within the province and a loss of food to the occupying troops caused further alienation between the two peoples. This allowed the Americans, according to their own records, to enter Nueva Vizcaya at least somewhat as liberators rather than foreign invaders. People in Nueva Vizcaya accepted the Americans because they wanted protection not subjugation. The Americans fashioned their role as protectors because of their paternalistic feeling towards a people they saw as backward but willing to accept their lead and adopt their priorities. This would set the stage for the American occupation of Nueva Vizcaya and the next period in the province's history.



 On January 28, 1902, by Act No. 337, the Philippine Commission formally created Nueva Vizcaya as a Special Province. Like other special provinces, Nueva Vizcaya came directly under the governance of Americans who sought to make it into an exemplary model of good government not only for the benefit of tribal minorities living there, but also for the edification of lowland Filipinos and their anti-American leaders. Act No. 337, and the local government act No. 387 which followed in April 1902, also had the purpose of protecting upland tribal minorities from their more sophisticated lowland neighbors (note 1). Americans sought to work directly with these "non-Christians," teaching them the ropes of modern administration, introducing them to a modern cash economy, nurturing their skills in self-government, and enabling them to deal equally with lowland people who might otherwise take advantage of them. Nueva Vizcaya thus became a part of the American raison d'etre' for colonial rule.2 "The first American governor appointed to the new Special Province was L.E. Bennett who arrived on August 14, 1902. Bennett governed for less than two years, being replaced by Louis G. Knight on March 2, 1904. Together, these two men inaugurated American rule of the province, outlining themes that would influence the lives of people in Nueva Vizcaya for the next forty years. Early American rule of Nueva Vizcaya had four principal purposes. First, it was necessary to identify and count the population. Second, Governors Bennett and Knight sought to stabilize peace and order in the province by relocating as many people as possible in towns where they could be policed and also taxed as citizens of the new order. Third, they initiated an effort to educate the local populace in the skills and virtues of American-style democracy. Finally, they sought to tie people in Nueva Vizcaya more closely into the national economic system by employing them as wage laborers in the construction of a new road system that would enable them, in turn, to produce and sell new cash crops to lowlanders and Americans in return for manufactured products.3" Determining the number of people who inhabited the new province was the first problem faced by Americans. Because the Igorot did not count past ten, it was not an easy problem to solve. Igorot would count groups of ten, up to a hundred, but after a hundred they had no frame of reference. Census-takers eventually persuaded them to carve notches on pieces of rattan. They would have one bundle for men, one for women, one for children, one for pigs, another for chickens, and so on. There were bundles for each of the different settlements.4" This did give the Americans an idea of the number of non-Christian inhabitants, but it was probably not a very accurate count. The isolation of the province and the hostility of some of the non-Christian people contributed to the lack of an accurate accounting of the population of the region, just as these factors had also limited Spanish influence. Governor Bennett's reference to the people was to those who lived in the river valleys, the Gaddang and Isinai. His evaluation did not include the upland people, the Ibaloi, Ifugao, and Ilongot. Governor Bennett distinguished between the two by using the terms "Igorrote" for the upland people and "Filipino" for those living in valley towns.5" Originally, two "Igorrote Commissioners" were appointed to encourage good relations and commerce between the Christian population and the non-Christian population. However, the commissioners were not paid and their work was unsuccessful.6" According to the Census of 1903, non-Christians outnumbered Christians in Nueva Vizcaya almost three to one. Of a population of 62,541, 16,026 were "civilized" and 46,515 were "wild."7" People referred to were the Ifugao in the north, the Ibaloi in the southwest, and the Ilongot of the southeast. Gaddang and Isinai were considered "civilized" people. The Ifugao especially impressed Governor Bennett. He held up as an example the work and knowledge needed by the Ifugao to construct their rice terraces. He described them as industrious but hampered by their violent nature. He proposed the building of roads, railroads, and other means of travel and communication into the heart of Ifugao land as a means of making them "useful citizens" and forcing them to interact with the "outside world."8" The Ilongot, on the other hand, were seen as hopeless. Their way of living was not as settled as the Ifugao. They used fields for a short time and then picked up and moved on to a new location and started over again. Bennett saw them as "gypsies or animals wandering about in the forests."9" It is not surprising the Ilongot were seen this way since their culture was so different than American culture. In many respects, they were the opposite of the Americans, where the Ifugao had similar cultural characteristics. Having taken a census of the inhabitants, Americans set about the business of governing them. Establishing a means of governing the province began at the lowest level. The presidentes and local officials called meetings on September 6, 1902. These local leaders began to make township ordinances and set local taxes. Until that time, according to Bennett, each town's treasurer collected whatever taxes he chose and then spent the revenue on whatever he thought best.10" Problems arose because of the vast number of taxes instituted within the province. Bennett believed that the people did not mind the amount of taxes, only the number. Examples included "the dog tax, slaughtering tax, market tax, and cart tax."11" Tax collectors continually collected one or the other of these. Bennett believed that the people would prefer paying one tax, once or twice a year, to paying so many separate taxes. He proposed that the tax schedule be simplified. Taxes were to be derived entirely from land and personal property. Licenses would be required regulating liquor traffic and cockpits, and fees for registering titles and transfers of livestock. Finally, a public road labor law was enacted.12" Taxes on carts were to be abolished because of the special use of carts in Nueva Vizcaya. In other provinces cart owners generated income by hiring them out to haul other people's goods. In Nueva Vizcaya farmers used them for simply hauling personal goods. They did not create the income that those in the other provinces did. "The people here offer to work 8 days per year on the roads and bridges if the cart tax be abolished."13" During Governor Bennett's tenure thirty-nine local ordinances which were the same in all municipalities were passed and municipal police forces were established. Aritao, Dupax, Bambang, Bayombong, Solano, and Bagabag had municipal police. In September 1902, the province had a total of fifty-nine police.14" A major problem developed with the use of local police as servants by the local officials. Officials would keep part of the salary of the police officers and put them to work in their fields. On one occasion the governor arrived to inspect the police and it took almost an hour to have them all assembled. Bennett made inroads curbing this type of behavior by the local officials.15" Methods of recruiting constables also changed. Under the Spanish they were mostly Tagalogs. Under American rule recruits came from within the province. The Tagalogs had no ties to the communities and many times abused the power given them. Men recruited from the province fit into their community better. They had family ties within the province and spoke a local language. Abuses of power under American rule decreased.16" Louis G. Knight replaced Governor Bennett, arriving in Nueva Vizcaya on March 2, 1904. Knight had an extremely positive evaluation of the province. Relations between the people of Vizcaya and the Americans had been favorable. People were "contented and more prosperous than for several years..."17" No extraordinary peace and order problems existed. A large percent of the Christian population took advantage of the educational opportunities that were offered. Biennial municipal elections were held. Nueva Vizcaya was as isolated politically as it was geographically. Voting in the municipal elections went along ethnic lines; each ethnic group would vote for a candidate from the same ethnic group. As more and more Ilocanos migrated into Nueva Vizcaya, they emerged as the most powerful political bloc in the province. Ilocanos did not outnumber the other Christian people, but they did stand united. People from the other ethnic groups- Cagayanes, Gaddang, and Isinai- split into small factions which diminished their power.18" Governor Knight saw a real problem with the number of illiterate voters in the province. He recommended that there be a property or intelligence requirement for all voters. Those qualified to vote would include people who owned property worth 200 pesos or who paid 10 pesos a year in taxes. They should also be able to speak, read, and write in English, Spanish, Ilocano, Gaddang, or Isinai.19" Requiring those qualifications would have eliminated any person without a formal education. Considering that Nueva Vizcayans had few schools to attend under the Spanish, and that schooling was not widespread in the province during the first decade of American rule, there would have been a limited population controlling the province, and the upland people would not have been widely included in the process of voting. Fortunately, the Philippine Commission rejected Governor Knight's proposals. W.C. Bryant replaced Governor Knight in 1909. His tenure ran through 1912.20" Nueva Vizcaya's borders changed in 1909 with the passage of Act No. 1876. Mountain Province was formed with Nueva Vizcaya giving up control of most of what is now the Province of Ifugao.21" This in itself caused a change in the ethnic composition of the province's population, for in eastern Nueva Vizcaya the Ilongot population would thereafter represent the largest number of non-Christians. Migration of large numbers of Ilocano into the province changed the way people adapted to American rule. Education also changed people during this period. Governor Bryant complained that the province lacked a sufficient number of "trained native teachers."22" Demand for education surpassed the number of educators. Following Governor Bryant came Leo J. Grove. He governed the province through 1916.23 " Under Governor Grove's leadership the province continued to progress. Each step took time but the province slowly moved towards the goals set by the American rulers. Education continued to be a bright spot. In 1916, Nueva Vizcaya had the greatest percent of children attending school of any "similar unit of the Bureau of Education", or educational district.24" Of a population of around 16,000 Christians, more than 2400 attended public schools regularly in 1916. Some students from Isabela attended school in Nueva Vizcaya as well. As people began to understand the importance of education, more took advantage of the education offered. Proportionally, Nueva Vizcaya sent more students on to the Philippine Normal School in Manila than any other province.25" Transportation and communication challenged the Americans as perhaps the greatest problems of the province. Poor transportation made it difficult to access the fertile land and rich natural resources in Nueva Vizcaya. Governor Bennett assessed the conditions in this way: "The trails (for there are no roads in the interior) in this province are in deplorable condition."26" A main trail ran sixty-eight miles through the province, from the southern to the northern border. People made use of bamboo in constructing temporary bridges across the rivers. Improvements and maintenance on the trail proved costly considering that it did not even constitute the quickest and shortest route possible. Governor Bennett originally proposed building two new roads; one through what is now Ifugao, the other south to San Nicolas, Pangasinan rather than through Nueva Ecija.27" As a result of the poor roads, people in Nueva Vizcaya had had to be virtually self-sufficient. Cloth represented the principal product bought outside the province. All food was grown within the province, most for local consumption. To trade for cloth or clothing, a person would take rice and/or other trade goods, load these on a carabao, pony, or his own back and trek to Nueva Ecija or Isabela. Nueva Vizcayans would use this avenue to acquire money to pay taxes as well.28" Otherwise they could get anything they needed through barter, and even if they acquired money there were few luxuries on which it could be spent. Nueva Vizcaya had the potential to be extremely productive. Crops that grew well in the province included rice, corn, coffee, cocoa, most garden vegetables, and many tropical fruits. Governor Bennett pointed out that the people of the province actually decreased production of goods because they had only their own needs to meet. With no easy accessible external markets in which to sell their goods, no incentives existed to grow excess food.29" Forests covered as much as sixty percent of the province, according to Bennett. These forests represented a valuable resource that could not be accessed. A good transportation system would need to exist in order to capitalize on all products from the area.30" Of the 10,000-12,000 acres of land under cultivation in Nueva Vizcaya in 1902, only 2,000 were registered. People did not want to register the land because they would then have to pay taxes on it. They would only lay claim to a piece of land if someone else tried to cultivate it.31" Low land value resulted from the inability of the people to plant cash crops to sell on an open market. With no easy way to get crops to market, land values remained low. By registering land a person would have only acquired more debt through taxes, and would have gained little income. In predicting the future of the province, Governor Bennett took a negative view of the people and their drive to improve. "The general indifference for the future and tendency to be satisfied with a roof and enough to eat for 24 hours ahead, and almost universal disregard for thrift or accumulating property if doing so will require any extra exertion, is the most discouraging phase of the situation for the government of this province."32" It is not surprising that people did not work to increase production or to accumulate property, especially with no reward for their labors. They would not receive any benefits from farming more land. In reality they would only have to pay taxes on the land and watch most of the crops rot since they could not get them to market. Throughout Governor Knight's tenure he placed major emphasis on the development of the Padre Juan Villaverde Trail, which was first completed in 1903. It ran from Bayombong to San Nicolas, Pangasinan, a distance of over sixty miles. Improvements could never be considered permanent. Each year funds would be spent to improve the road but then the weather would negate the work. Each year they would have to spend more money on maintenance, to say nothing of the improvements. Nevertheless, this became the major route out of Nueva Vizcaya to the south.33" By 1906 the road was extended north from Bayombong to Cordon, Isabela. The Villaverde trail had become the major route for travel and communications from the central plains into the province of Nueva Vizcaya. Telegraph lines were moved from the old route (from San Jose, Nueva Ecija over the Caraballo range) to follow the Villaverde trail.34" But travel over this trail continued to be a formidable task. Truly a mountain trail more than a road, it existed for the use of both people and animals. Transportation along the trail consisted of horses and carabao, carabao being the major pack animal. These animals, especially the carabao with a heavy load, took their toll. During rainy season the pulling of sleds tended to destroy the trail.35" Because of the constant damage, it could not be improved from year to year; maintenance absorbed all available funding.36" In 1907, Governor Knight boasted that the trail was "one of the best examples of mountain trail work" he had ever seen.37" As proof for his statement he said that travel along the trail was almost never interrupted by mud slides, fallen trees, or other problems. What exactly he meant by "almost never" is not explained. It is evident from his report of 1908 that keeping the trail open and in good repair was no small task. To the north two routes led out of the province, one through Banaue to Bontoc and the other to Isabela. From Banaue to Bontoc was manageable by horseback.38" The major section ran from San Nicolas, Pangasinan to Cordon, Isabela, passing through Aritao, Bambang, Bayombong, Solano, and Bagabag. This route covered over 100 miles. Only temporarily finished, it needed improvements every year, and these taxed the limited resources available to the provincial government.39" There was also a push to construct and improve feeder trails within the province. By 1904, thirty miles of trails connected all the municipalities in the province except for Quiangan.40" Both the construction of the trails and the labor involved encouraged the people to enter into the larger national economy. Building and improving roads and trails slowly opened Nueva Vizcaya to trade from the south and caused many of the residents to enter into a money economy. People of the province completed all road and trail construction and maintenance themselves. Governor Knight had suggested that all men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five spend ten days a year working on the roads or pay P2.00 poll tax for road and trail improvement.41" Thanks to his efforts, a Special Provincial Government Act No. 1396 was enacted. Act 1396 required each able bodied inhabitant to either pay P2.00 tax or work for ten days a year.42" Of all the people in the province, the Ifugao most commonly chose to work instead of pay the P2.00 tax. With the rate of daily pay being 40-50c, the people of the Christianized areas paid the tax, and the Ifugao worked for the time required. In fact the turnout in Ifugao was so great that people were turned away because there were too many workers.43" On the other hand, the people in the Christian communities had more access to money or believed they could make more in ten days than if they gave their time to labor on the roads. Despite all their efforts, roads in Nueva Vizcaya did not improve that much under the administrations of Governors Bryant and Grove, 1909-1916, although both frequently discussed the problem of transportation in the province and the need to improve the roads. Governor Bryant concentrated on the road north from Bagabag to Isabela. Trading north to Isabela and the lower Cagayan Valley was seen as more convenient and profitable than trying to trade south to Nueva Ecija or Pangasinan. Bryant noted that little contact existed between the people of Nueva Vizcaya and those to the south. Hence most of the resources allocated went to the main road along the river through the province and then continuing north.44" Road construction under Governor Grove included a road south to the province of Pangasinan as well as the road to Isabela. The road to the north, through Isabela and Cagayan, remained the main conduit for goods entering and leaving the province for it was less expensive and restrictive than going south through Pangasinan. Originally it cost seven and a half centavos per kilo, with no weight limit, by the northern route, and fifteen centavos per kilo, with an eighty pound limit, by the southern route.45" Grove did point out that the rate for the southern route decreased to eight and nine centavos when most of the trade was sent north. Also, work continued to improve both routes for future trade. Improving the roads made it easier for the people of Nueva Vizcaya to market goods produced in the province. Provincial governors constantly encouraged the inhabitants to enter into the national market economy, because up until the American period subsistence farming was the norm in the province, as we have seen. Governor Bennett's description of the standard of living in 1903 mentioned of little or no need of goods from outside the province. Cloth or clothing, alone, came from outside the province. Money was needed only to pay taxes. Inhabitants of Nueva Vizcaya took rice or some other goods they would produce to Isabela or Nueva Ecija to trade if they needed money or cloth. No great variety of food existed within the province, but a large quantity did exist. They had deer, wild pig, rice, beans, eggplant, squash, corn, sweet potato, and fish.46" With the introduction of a national economy the people of Nueva Vizcaya began to increase their productivity. A need for cloth and money for taxes constituted a beginning and then the need to work on the roads or pay taxes expanded the need. Therefore, trade outside the province steadily increased, although not at a high rate. Transportation of goods still was limited by duties in the other provinces. Nevertheless, Governor Bryant reported, in 1909, an increase in sales of rice and coffee with Isabela and Pangasinan. Industry began with the production of salt from Salinas salt spring.47" Governor Grove, as one major objective, pushed to establish an inter-provincial economy. This included encouraging the production of fruits and vegetables within the province and then establishing a market day in the adjoining towns so these did not conflict. Three cigar factories were also founded to supply the people of Nueva Vizcaya with their tobacco needs.48" However, even with these developments, people still did not acquire a taste for products from outside the province. Commented Grove, "the inhabitants are docile and obedient, but they are not very fond of labor, since they do not care for luxuries, and are satisfied with a simple and meager diet".49" Each of the governors' reports took an optimistic view of the province's progress and future. They listed the riches of the province in natural resources and population. In these same reports they also described the need for more effort and money to improve the province. On the whole, the greatest progress during the first years of American colonial rule was the move away from subsistence farming and the development of a closer link to the national economy for the people in Nueva Vizcaya. American governing of the province had some success in the four areas they addressed. These areas included identifying and counting the population, moving people to towns to be policed and taxed, education of the population focusing on American-style democracy, and integrating the people into a national economy and identity. Using the Censuses, identification and counting of the population was accomplished. Gathering information throughout the province during the three Censuses allowed Americans to identify the various people and to get a population count. Censuses information from 1918 and 1938 represented a more accurate count than did the Census of 1903. Relocating people in towns succeeded with only some of the people. Those in the Ifugao, Ilongot, and Ibaloi areas resisted moving into the towns, while the Gaddang and Isinai proved more willing to do so. Taxing and policing the people who did not move into the town was accomplished by offering services in return for their support. These services consisted of protection and construction of trails to increase mobility throughout the province. Gradually, more and more people in the province had the opportunity for an education. The type of education varied depending on the people and the part of the province in which they lived. Traditional education in academic subjects occurred in the river valley areas. In the more remote areas technical education was emphasized. Education served as an avenue for integration into the American ideal of government and society. All of the factors mentioned contributed to the move towards a unified economy as well as a national identity. Taxation caused people to need money in order to meet their obligations. Under the Americans advancement in the society was closely connected to education. A demand for education began as the people's ambitions increased. Organizing a government and building new roads helped to integrate Nueva Vizcaya slowly but surely into a central economy and national identity. Roads gave them an opportunity to increase their production since they could market their goods more easily. The enlargement of the local governments needed to run the province created new jobs and helped bring people into the national economy and political system.


Nueva Vizcaya has always been relatively isolated from the political and economic center of the Philippines by its rugged terrain. Historically, this isolation insulated the province from the rest of the Philippines. Indigenous people did not readily accept change. It took a long time and much exposure to new and different ways before they began to change. Mountain ranges that served to isolate Nueva Vizcaya are the Cordillera Central, the Caraballo, and the Sierra Madras. These mountains can reach as high as 10,000 feet and are rugged enough to cause problems for those trying to cross them. As head waters to the Magat River, the mountain run off provides abundant water for the rich river valley in the center of the province. This along with ample rainfall makes Nueva Vizcaya a rich agricultural area as well as being rich in natural resources. Throughout its history Nueva Vizcaya's political boundaries have changed in accordance with its development and changing ruling powers. Originally, under the Spanish, the province covered the southern half of the Cagayan Valley. As they established themselves the province decreased in size, but it still included most of what is today Ifugao and Quirino provinces. Under the Americans it decreased in size again, when Ifugao became a province unto itself. It would remain that size until the 1970's. Indigenous people living in the region did not quickly accept new ideas or the concept of a national identity and economy. They were divided into many groups and sub-groups living as subsistence farmers. Their diversity made unification extremely difficult. Of the ethnic groups in the province -Gaddang, Yogad, Isinai, Ifugao, Ibaloi, and Ilongot- each had its own distinct language and culture. Long standing animosity existed between these people which did not easily end. Each people had a tradition of autonomy with little or no concept of a central government. They did not readily trade with other groups, or, in some cases, even among themselves. A ferociousness also helped to keep some of the people, as well as the province, isolated. Of the different peoples the Ifugao, Ilongot, and Igorot all practiced headhunting, for at least part of their history. For the Ifugao and Ilongot this tradition lasted up until the American rule of the Philippines. With such aggressive people the introduction of change and a move towards a national economy and image did not easily emerge. The Spanish were the first to introduce an outside European influence into Nueva Vizcaya. Initially the impact came through exploratory expeditions, but the impact did not last long. Some of the later expeditions achieved success in establishing cordial relations with several of the villages in the Magat River valley. Real change did not occur until the establishment of missions. Dominican and Augustinian orders established settlements in the river valley of Nueva Vizcaya and attempted spiritual forays into the mountainous regions. With the establishment of missions, the converts in the valley began to settle near by. These settlements became the municipalities of Nueva Vizcaya today. Within the settlements, people accepted change and the introduction of a new economic and social order. Conversion occurred mainly with the people living in the valley and had little effect on the people in the uplands. They resisted any attempt at changing them if it changed their lifestyle. Even the missionaries had little luck in changing these people. They accepted help only on their terms, or resisted to the best of their ability. This is not to say that changes did not occur in the uplands, only that they were minimal, short term, and slow in taking shape. Nueva Vizcaya did not play a major role in the revolution against Spain. During the Philippine-American War it became the focus of attention for a short period of time. The President of the Philippines, Emilio Aguinaldo, retreated north from the central plain followed closely by the American forces. As he moved north he looked to the Cagayan Valley as a secure location to center his government. He intended to make Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya his new capitol. The ruggedness of the province and the difficulty of transporting goods over the mountains eventually caused Aguinaldo to move west to proceed up the coast. American troops rushed north and established themselves in Nueva Vizcaya, cutting off Aguinaldo's move into the southern end of the Cagayan Valley. With no national feelings, a rift had developed between the people of Nueva Vizcaya and the Tagalogs, who were the leaders of the revolution within the province. While the revolutionary government controlled the province, tension increased between the two groups. When the Americans arrived, some Vizcayans saw them as saviors who would protect them from both the Tagalogs and the headhunters from the upland. The people in the uplands did not begin to change until the Americans established control over the province. Under the Americans, Nueva Vizcaya became a Special Province administered by an American governor and supported by a government with Americans in key positions. The governors concentrated on trying to improve the infrastructure of the province, transportation being the largest problem. Roads into and out of the Nueva Vizcaya existed, but the transporting of goods remained extremely difficult. Throughout their tenure the Americans tried to improve the roads but in the long run they had only minimal success. Population and the amount of products from the province increased gradually and an inter-provincial economy began. Because of its poor roads Nueva Vizcaya did not easily assimilate into the national economy. It would take a good transportation system in order to bring Nueva Vizcaya into the national economy and before they would begin to feel they were truly a part of the Filipino community. Information gathered from the sources I examined leads me to the conclusion that Nueva Vizcaya integrated into the national economy and the people's image of themselves as Filipinos more slowly than other provinces in similar conditions. Geography and climate played a major role in their slowness to integrate. Although Nueva Vizcaya is relatively close to the political and economic center of the Philippines, it is isolated by its geography. Rugged mountains separate the province from the plains of central Luzon and access to Manila. Debilitating climatic conditions act as an isolating factor as well. Throughout history travel into and out of the province has been a challenge for both the population within the province and those wishing to enter from outside. It took many man hours and significant financial resources to construct trails and roads leading into Nueva Vizcaya. In many cases nature damaged or destroyed these avenues of transportation. Large amounts of rainfall normal to the province either washed out the trails and roads or turned them into virtually impassible quagmires. As recently as 1990 the main road leading from Nueva Ecija was wiped out by a large earthquake and later destroyed again by a subsequent typhoon. People who lived in the province did not readily accept outside influences. When the concept of producing an excess of goods for trade on the open market was introduced, the people were not at first receptive. It made no sense to them to produce an excess when they could not ship it to market and there were few goods they could buy in the province if they did sell their goods. These factors caused Nueva Vizcaya to integrate into the national economy slowly. Due to the proximity of the province to Manila, such slow development is unusual. Nueva Vizcaya's resources remained untapped for many years. Some would argue they have yet to be effectively put to use even today.

This thesis is an analysis of how, and to what extent, the tribal peoples of Nueva Vizcaya became Filipinos, meaning active participants in national politics and the national economy, and also in a Philippine national identity, during the periods of the Spanish and American colonization. The thesis investigates how the province of Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines, and its people changed due to various outside influences before World War II. Accomplishing this task necessitated the use of a variety of sources, including Congressional Records, Census information, Spanish documents, and American National Archival Records, as well as secondary resources. Rough terrain isolated Nueva Vizcaya to the extent that change in the province occurred at a slower pace than in many other regions of the Philippines. Because travel into and out of the province remained difficult Nueva Vizcayans were slow to assimilate into a national Filipino economy and identity. Incursion into the province by the Spanish and later the Americans caused the original inhabitants to alter their way of life as well as some of their cultural beliefs.

 Nueva Vizcaya played a minor role in the Philippine-American War. Wishing to be left alone, Nueva Vizcayans did not welcome the Americans or Aguinaldo's troops.  American colonial rulers sought to integrate the province into the national society and economy by building roads, constructing schools, and encouraging trade. Despite American efforts, Nueva Vizcayas isolation as well as resistance of the original inhibitants to outside influences cause the province to lag in its integration into a national economy and national identity.


Predmore, Micheal Gard, Nueva Vizcaya: A Philippine Frontier. Published Master of Arts Thesis, University of Northern Colorado, 1992.



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--final note:


I would like to thank my wife, Rite, and sons, Jonathan and Antonio for their patience and support in completing this work. The support from the rest of my family; my father, mother and- Doug, sisters and their families was invaluable. I would not have been able to complete this work without the guidance and assistance of Professor Ronald Edgerton. Thanks also to Professor Marshall Clough for his friendship, as well as for serving on my committee, and to Professor Alexander Knott for being a committee member.

Pagyamanak dagiti taga Nueva Vizcaya nangruna kadagiti taga Kasibu nga timmulong kaniak ti panagyan ko sadiay. Agyamanak unay kadakuwa da iti anus da nga nangisuro kaniak iti sao, ugali ken biag da. Para kadagiti barcada, Jose, Jimmy, Bhoy, Gaspar, Manuel, Ray, Danny, Totoy, ken kadagiti amin nga baracadak. Agyamanak met kadagiti biyenan ko, bayaw, hipag ken ti pamilya da. Aginom tayo intono bumisita kami dita Kasibu.